13 Kasım 2025 Perşembe

KKTC Cumhurbaşkanı Tufan Erhürman'ın Ankara Ziyareti

 

Giriş

Geçtiğimiz gün yapılan seçimler sonucunda Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti'nin (kısaca KKTC) 6. Cumhurbaşkanı seçilen hukukçu genç siyasetçi Dr. Tufan Erhürman, 13 Kasım 2025 tarihinde ilk resmi yurt dışı ziyaretini ülkesini tanıyan tek devlet olan Türkiye'ye gerçekleştirdi. Adada geleneksel olarak federal çözümü savunan Cumhuriyetçi Türk Partisi'nden (kısaca CTP) seçilmesi nedeniyle Türkiye ile ilişkilerde sorun yaşayabileceğinden endişe edilen Erhürman, hatırlanacak olursa bu konuda seçim sonrasında dengeli mesajlar vermiş ve Ankara ile koordinasyon içerisinde hareket edeceğini açıklamıştı.

Erhürman'ın Kısa Ankara Ziyareti

Günübirlik ziyareti kapsamında Anıtkabir ziyareti sonrasında Ankara-Beştepe'deki T.C. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Külliyesi'nde 12. Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan tarafından ağırlanan Erhürman, yaklaşık 90 dakika süren görüşmenin ardından KKTC'ye döndü. Görüşmenin ardından iki lider ortak bir basın toplantısı düzenlerken, Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, iki devletli çözüm konusundaki kararlı duruşunu yineleyerek, Kıbrıs'ta Erhürman'ın seçilmesiyle yeniden gündeme gelen federalizm tartışmalarına sıcak yaklaşmadığını bir kez daha gösterdi. Erdoğan, "1968'den beri yapılan ve bir sonuca varamayan müzakerelere artık sırf dostlar alışverişte görsün diye devam etmeyeceğimizi 2017'de Rum tarafının masayı terk etmesiyle çökmesinin ardından ortaya koymuştuk" diyerek, iki devletlilik tezinin bir anda ortaya çıkmadığını ve önceki süreçlerde yaşanan hayal kırıklıkları ve Kıbrıslı Rumların Kıbrıslı Türklerle eşit statüyü hiçbir zaman kabul etmemeleri nedeniyle Ankara tarafından benimsendiğini vurguladı. Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı, Kıbrıs Sorunu çözülmeden ve Annan Planı'nın reddedilmesinin ardından Kıbrıslı Rumların Avrupa Birliği'ne üye yapılmasını da eleştirdi. Tufan Erhürman'ın "egemen eşitlik" temalı mesajlarını da öven Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, Kıbrıs Türk halkının esenliği için yeni projeler ve yatırımlar yapılabileceğini de belirterek, bu konuda sorumlu olan Cumhurbaşkanı Yardımcısı Cevdet Yılmaz'ı işaret etti. Erdoğan, KKTC'nin kurulmasında büyük emekleri olan Dr. Fazıl Küçük ve Rauf Denktaş'ı da anarak, bu şekilde "iki devletlilik" tezinde kararlı olunduğunu ortaya koydu ve adada yeşeren çözüm umutlarının gerçekçi olmadığını açıkça ifade etti.

KKTC Cumhurbaşkanı Dr. Tufan Erhürman ise, ulu önder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ü ve Azerbaycan-Gürcistan sınırında düşen nakliye uçağında vefat eden şehitleri anarak başladığı konuşmasında, KKTC-Türkiye ilişkilerinin "özel bir ilişki" olduğunu vurguladı. KKTC Cumhurbaşkanlarının seçildikten sonra ilk ziyaretlerini daima Ankara'ya yaptığını da hatırlatan Erhürman, Türkiye'nin adadaki garantör statüsü ve Kıbrıslı Türklere her zaman destek veren destekleyici tutumuna vurgu yapmasının ardından, Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti'nin "kurucu eşit ortağı" olan Kıbrıslı Türklerin adanın enerji ve ticaret imkânlarına ortak olması gerektiğini belirtti. Erhürman, adanın güneyinde artan silahlanma arayışlarını da eleştirerek, Kıbrıslı Türklerin adanın tamamında egemenlik hakları sahibi olduğunun altını çizdi. Kıbrıslı Türklerin geçmişte ortaya koydukları çözüm iradesine karşın sorunun halen çözülememiş olmasını anımsatan KKTC Cumhurbaşkanı, bu konuda Batı dünyası tarafından uygulanan politikaları da üstü kapalı şekilde eleştirmiş oldu. Erhürman, bölgesel risklere de dikkat çekerek, her sorunun diyalog ve müzakere ile çözülmesi gerektiğini kaydetti. Kıbrıs'a dönüşü sonrasında da bir açıklama yapan Erhürman, bu ziyaretin bir "başlangıç olduğunu" ve "istişarelerin önümüzdeki günlerde artarak devam edeceğini" söyledi.

Değerlendirme

KKTC'nin yeni Cumhurbaşkanı Dr. Tufan Erhürman'ın Ankara ziyareti, karşılıklı olumlu mesajlara ve jestlere karşın, bence iki lider ve devletin Kıbrıs Sorunu'ndaki ayrışan perspektiflerini de ortaya koymuştur. Zira Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan'ın "iki devletlilik" vurgusu ile Erhürman'ın "kurucu eşit ortak" yaklaşımı, net olarak Kıbrıs'ta farklı çözüm modellerine işaret etmektedir. Bu noktada belirleyici olan faktörler ise uluslararası hukuk ve güç dengesi olacaktır. Uluslararası hukuk konusunda kuşkusuz KKTC Cumhurbaşkanı'nın yaklaşımı -BM Güvenlik Konseyi'nin bu konudaki önceki kararları da düşünüldüğünde- daha doğru gözükmektedir. Ancak siyasetin diğer önemli bileşeni olan güç perspektifinden yaklaşıldığında, bölgenin en güçlü ve iri devleti olan Türkiye'nin kendisi için kritik mahiyetteki Kuzey Kıbrıs'tan vazgeçmeye yanaşması bence makul bir yaklaşım değildir. Bu nedenle, ekonomik ve güvenlik alanlarında ipleri elinde tutan Ankara'nın bastırmasıyla, Kıbrıs Sorunu'nda yeni dönemde de çözüm umudu bir başka bahara kalabilecektir. Ancak Kıbrıslı Türklerin ve Avrupa Birliği'nin girişimleriyle müzakereler için ön görüşmelerin başlaması, iki toplum liderinin (Erhürman ve Hristodulidis) bir araya gelmeleri ve hatta BM gözetiminde müzakerelerde yeni bir dönemin başlatılması bence mümkün olabilecek gelişmelerdir. Brüksel'in Ankara'ya uzatacağı havuçların etkisine göre (Türkiye'nin SAFE programına kabulü, ekonomik destek ve yatırımlar vs.), bu konudaki ilerlemeler daha kayda değer bir hâl de alabilir. Ancak gözlemlerim ve önceki deneyimlerim, Türkiye'nin kendisinin AB'ye dahil olmadığı bir denklemde Kıbrıs'ta çözüme sıcak yaklaşmayacağı yönündedir.

Bu bağlamda, Erhürman ile Erdoğan'ın ayrışan perspektifleri, aslında bir bütünü tamamlayan iki parça olarak da değerlendirilebilir. Zira Kıbrıslı Türklerin çözüm yanlısı olmaları ve müzakereleri zorlamaları ve müzakerelerin Rumlar tarafından kadük bırakılması, KKTC'nin tanınması ve üzerindeki yaptırımların kaldırılması noktasında daima pozitif sonuçlar üretmiştir. Buna karşın, Türkiye'nin gerçekçi ve güce dayalı ihtiyatlı perspektifi de, Kıbrıs'ta bir oldu-bitti ile sorunun haksız şekilde çözülmesine engel olan akılcı bir yaklaşımdır. Bu nedenle, iki Türk liderin açıklamalarını birbirlerine tezat olarak görmemek ve yeni dönemde KKTC 4. Cumhurbaşkanı Mustafa Akıncı dönemindeki gibi siyasi krizler ve polemikler beklememek yerinde olacaktır.

Sonsöz, dileğimiz tüm ilgili aktörlerin makul davranmasıyla Kıbrıs Sorunu'nun bu ülke halklarının tercihlerine göre çözümlenmesidir. Çünkü dünyadaki her bir bireyin tanınan, iyi işleyen ve uluslararası temsili olan bir devlette yaşamaya hakları vardır. Emperyalizme karşı bir devlet olan Türkiye, Kıbrıs'ta iki devletliliği emperyal güdülerle değil, tamamen toplumsal ve siyasal gerçekler temelinde savunmaktadır. Zira hatırlanacak olursa, 1974 Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı sonrasında adada akan kan durmuş ve adaya sulh gelmiştir. Türkiye, bu bağlamda, gelecekte günün birinde iki devletlilik veya Kıbrıs'ın Türkiye'ye iltihakını gerçekleştirecek güçte büyük bir devlettir. Ancak bunun kısa ve orta vadede mevcut uluslararası sistem içerisinde gerçekleşmesi zor olduğu için, Türkiye'nin AB'ye dahil olacağı/eklemleneceği bir denklemde, Kıbrıs Sorunu'nun iki bölgeli, iki toplumlu ve iki eşit ortağa dayalı federasyon modeliyle çözümlenmesi de gayet mümkün hale gelebilir. Bu nedenle, Kıbrıs'ta diyalog ve müzakereleri desteklemek ve Kıbrıslı Türklerin çözüm iradesine engel olmamak çok önemli ve Ankara'ya özgür dünyada büyük prestij kazandıracak bir durumdur.

Prof. Dr. Ozan ÖRMECİ


11 Kasım 2025 Salı

İlk Şi Cinping-Sanae Takaichi Görüşmesinden Notlar

 

Giriş

Japonya'da parlamentodan güvenoyu alarak ilk kadın Başbakan olarak görevine başlayan Liberal Demokrat Parti'nin yeni lideri Sanae Takaichi, APEC Zirvesi kapsamında 31 Ekim 2025 tarihinde ilk kez Güney Kore'nin Gyeongju şehrinde Çin (Halk Cumhuriyeti) Devlet Başkanı Şi Cinping ile görüştü. Siyasi kariyeri ve parti-içi liderlik yarışı sırasında Çin'e yönelik bazı eleştirileri ile dikkat çeken ve eski Başbakan Şinzo Abe'nin geçmişte "protégé"si olduğu için bu konuda keskin tavırlar almasından endişe edilen Sanae Takaichi, buna karşın bu ilk görüşmede oldukça yapıcı bir ton benimseyerek, Pekin'e karşı ölçülü ve nazik bir yaklaşım sergiledi.

İki Ülkenin Açıklamaları

Her iki ülkenin medya kuruluşları ve yine uluslararası basının büyük ilgi gösterdiği görüşme öncesinde kameraların karşısına geçen iki Asyalı lider, nazik ve ölçülü tavırlarıyla iki önemli devlet arasındaki ilişkilerin mesafeli ama çatışmadan uzak devam edebileceğine dair önemli bir duruş sergilediler. Nitekim Çin Devlet Başkanı Şi Cinping, görüşme sonrasında Takaichi'nin kendileriyle "kişisel ilişkilerini derinleştirmek" ve "ortak stratejik çıkarlar temelinde karşılıklı yarar sağlayan bir ilişki kurmak" istediğini ifade etti. Takaichi de, "İkili ilişkilerimizin genel yönünü teyit etmek istiyorum. Bu, yapıcı ve istikrarlı olduğu kadar, karşılıklı yarar sağlayan bir ilişkidir." ifadelerini kullanarak Çin'le ilişkilerde kriz yaratmak istemediğini ortaya koydu. Bu konuda her iki ülkenin Dışişleri Bakanlıkları ise diplomatik lisanla özetle şunları ifade ettiler:

Çin Dışişleri Bakanlığı: Çin Devlet Başkanı Şi Cinping, Çin ve Japonya'nın sadece bir su şeridi ile ayrıldığını ve birbirleri için çok önemli komşular olduğunu belirterek, Çin-Japonya ilişkilerinin sürdürülebilir, sağlam ve istikrarlı gelişiminin iki halkın ve uluslararası toplumun genel beklentisini karşıladığını ifade etti. Cinping, konuşmasında, "Çin, Japonya ile birlikte dört Çin-Japonya siyasi belgesinde belirtilen ilkeleri ve yönelimi savunacak, ikili ilişkilerin siyasi temelini koruyacak, karşılıklı yarar sağlayan stratejik ilişkiyi ilerletecek ve yeni döneme uygun, yapıcı ve istikrarlı bir Çin-Japonya ilişkisi kurmaya kararlı kalacaktır." ifadelerine yer verdi. Cinping, ayrıca, Çin-Japonya ilişkilerinin şu anda hem fırsatlar, hem de zorluklarla karşı karşıya olduğunu vurgulayarak, ülkesinin Japonya'daki yeni kabinenin Çin hakkında doğru bir algı oluşturmasını, her iki ülkenin eski nesil liderlerinin ve iki toplumun farklı kesimlerinden insanların adanmışlığını ve sıkı çalışmalarını onurlandırmasını ve barış, dostluk ve iş birliği genel yönelimine bağlı kalmasını umut ettiğini ifade etti. Çin liderine göre, iki devlet, ilk olarak önemli ortak anlayışları gerçekten onurlandırmalıdırlar. Bu bağlamda, iki ülkenin "karşılıklı yarar sağlayan stratejik ilişkileri her yönüyle geliştireceği" yönündeki siyasi mutabakatı uygulamak için somut adımlar atılmalı; iki ülke birbirlerine “tehdit değil ortak” temelinde yaklaşmalı ve "tarihten ders alıp geleceğe bakmalıdır". Yine Çin Devlet Başkanı'na göre, tarihsel rekabet ve Tayvan Sorunu gibi önemli ilke meselelerine ilişkin dört siyasi belgede yer alan açık hükümler, Çin-Japonya ilişkilerinin temeli sağlam ve sarsılmaz kalması için sıkı bir şekilde uygulanmalı ve yerine getirilmelidir.

Bu doğrultuda, Cinping'e göre, Murayama Bildirisi, Japonya'nın saldırganlık tarihine yönelik ciddi bir iç muhasebedir ve bu şekilde Tokyo, geçmişteki hataları nedeniyle mağdur ülkelerden özür dilemektedir. Çin liderine göre ilk olarak bu bildirinin ruhu onurlandırılmalıdır. İkincisi, bu iki köklü devlet, kazan-kazan anlayışı ve iş birliğine bağlı kalmalıdırlar. 20. Çin Komünist Partisi (ÇKP) Merkez Komitesi'nin dördüncü genel kurulu, 15. Beş Yıllık Plan döneminde Çin'in kalkınması için bir plan hazırlamıştır. Çin liderinin düşüncesinde, bu plan uyarınca, Çin ve Japonya arasında önemli bir iş birliği potansiyeli bulunmaktadır. İki ülke, ileri imalat, dijital ekonomi, yeşil kalkınma, maliye politikaları ve finans, tıbbi ve yaşlı bakımı hizmetleri ve üçüncü taraf pazarları gibi alanlarda ortaklıklarını güçlendirebilir ve çok taraflı ticaret sistemini ve istikrarlı ve engelsiz endüstri ve tedarik zincirlerini ortaklaşa destekleyebilirler. Üçüncü olarak, iki ülkenin halkları arasındaki bağlar daha da güçlendirilmelidir. Hükümetler, siyasi partiler ve yasama organları arasında sürekli iletişim kurulmalı ve halkın duygularını iyileştirmek için halklar arası alışverişler arttırılmalıdır. Dördüncüsü, iki ülke çok taraflı konularda aralarındaki koordinasyonu güçlendirmelidirler. Çin ile Japonya, iyi komşuluk ve dostluk, eşitlik ve karşılıklı yarar, birbirlerinin iç işlerine karışmama gibi ilkeleri savunmalı, çok taraflılığı uygulamalı ve Asya Pasifik topluluğunun barışçıl temelde inşasına katkıda bulunmalıdırlar. Beşinci olarak, her iki ülkenin bazı konulardaki farklılıkları uygun şekilde ele almalıdır. Bu bağlamda, büyük resme odaklanılmalı, farklılıklar bir kenara bırakılarak ortak noktalar aranmalı, uzlaşma sağlanmalı, anlaşmazlıklar doğru yönetilmeli, ilişkilerin sorunlar veya farklılıklar temelinde karakterize edilmemesi sağlamalıdır.

Japonya Dışişleri BakanlığıÇin lideri Şi Cinping, Başbakan Sanae Takaichi'ye atanmasından dolayı tebriklerini iletmiş ve iki lider, "Ortak Stratejik Çıkarlara Dayalı Karşılıklı Yarar İlişkileri"ni kapsamlı bir şekilde teşvik etmek ve "yapıcı ve istikrarlı Japonya-Çin ilişkileri"ni kurmak için ikili ilişkilerinin genel yönünü yeniden teyit etmişlerdir. Bunun yanı sıra, Başbakan Takaichi, Başkan Şi'ye bölgede ve uluslararası toplumda barış ve refahı sağlamak için ağır sorumlulukları yerine getirmenin önemini vurgulamış ve Japonya ile Çin arasında güvenlik ve ekonomik güvenlik de dahil olmak üzere bazı endişe ve sorunlar olduğu için, bu endişeleri azaltmanın, karşılıklı anlayışı ve iş birliğini arttırmanın ve somut başarılar elde etmenin çok önemli olduğunu belirtmiştir. 

İki lider, Japon su ürünlerinin ithalatının yeniden başlamasını olumlu karşılamış ve her iki hükümetin Eylül 2024'te duyurduğu "Japonya ve Çin Arasındaki Ortak Tanıma"yı istikrarlı bir şekilde uygulamaya devam edeceklerini teyit etmişlerdir. Hatta Başbakan Takaichi, Çin'den Japon su ürünlerinin ithalatını kolaylaştırmasını istemiştir. Başbakan Takaichi, ayrıca, Japon sığır eti ithalatının yeniden başlaması ve 10 vilayetten gelen tarım ve su ürünlerine uygulanan kalan ithalat kısıtlamalarının bir an önce kaldırılması için ilgili istişarelerin teşvik edilmesi çağrısında bulunmuştur. İki lider, ayrıca, üçüncü ülke pazarları, yeşil ekonomi, tıbbi bakım, hemşirelik bakımı ve sağlık gibi alanlarda somut iş birliği arayışında olmaları konusunda mutabık kaldılar. Benzer şekilde, iki Asyalı lider, küresel meselelerde birlikte çalışacakları konusunda da mutabık kaldılar. Başbakan Takaichi, Expo 2025 Osaka, Kansai, Japonya'da Çin Pavyonu'nun Altın Ödülü kazanmasını da tebrik ederek Çinli muhataplarına bir jest yaptı.

Başbakan Takaichi, Senkaku Adaları dahil olmak üzere Doğu Çin Denizi konusunda ise, Çin'in artan deniz araştırma faaliyetleri ile Japonya yakınlarında yoğunlaşan askeri faaliyetleri konusunda Japonya'nın ciddi endişelerini dile getirdi ve Çin tarafına bu sorunları ele alması için çağrıda bulundu. Ayrıca, savunma yetkilileri arasında etkili kriz yönetimi ve iletişimin sağlanmasının önemi konusunda da iki ülke liderleri mutabık kaldılar. Japonya lideri, Çin'in nadir toprak elementleri üzerindeki ihracat kontrollerine ilişkin ciddi endişelerini dile getirdi. İki lider, Japonya-Çin İhracat Kontrolü Diyaloğu da dahil olmak üzere ilgili makamlar arasında iletişimi güçlendireceklerini teyit ettiler. Başbakan Takaichi, ek olarak, Çin'de saldırıya uğrayan ve gözaltına alınan bazı Japon vatandaşlarının vakaları ışığında, Çin'de kalmaktan rahatsızlık duyan Japon vatandaşları için Japon vatandaşlarının güvenliğinin sağlanmasını talep etti ve gözaltına alınan Japon vatandaşlarının bir an önce serbest bırakılmasını istedi. Başbakan Takaichi, Tayvan Boğazı'nda barış ve istikrarın Japonya dahil uluslararası toplum için önemini yineledi. Ayrıca, Başbakan Takaichi, Güney Çin Denizi, Hong Kong, Sincan Uygur Özerk Bölgesi ve diğer bölgelerdeki durumlarla ilgili Japonya'nın ciddi endişelerini bir kez daha dile getirdi.

Son olarak, Japonya'nın ilk kadın Başbakanı, Çinli muhatabıyla Kuzey Kore'deki durum, kaçırılma meseleleri de dahil olmak üzere bazı kritik konularda görüş alışverişinde bulundular.

Değerlendirme

Her iki ülke liderinin de yapıcı ve nazik bir ton kullanmaya özen gösterdiği anlaşılan görüşme ve sonrası yapılan resmi açıklamalarda, buna karşın iki ülke ilişkilerindeki bazı gerginlik konuları ve sorunlar yeniden tespit edilmiştir. Bu konular Pekin açısından Tayvan'ın Çin'e bağlı olduğunun kabulü ve bağımsızlığının desteklenmemesi ve tarihsel hataların kabul edilerek Pekin karşıtı hasmane bir tavır takınılmaması olarak özetlenebilir. Çin lideri Şi Cinping'in Senkaku/Diaoyu Adaları konusunu hiç gündeme getirmemesi de olumlu bir gelişme olarak not edilebilir. Tokyo açısından ise, Doğu ve Güney Çin Denizi'nde Pekin'in artan deniz araştırma faaliyetleri ve askeri hareketliliği, Senkaku/Diaoyu Adaları'nın durumu, Çin'in nadir toprak elementleri üzerinde dünya genelinde sağladığı kontrol, Çin'de Japon vatandaşlarına yönelik yaşanan saldırı hadiseleri, Çin içerisinde bazı bölgelerde (Doğu Türkistan, Hong Kong vs.) uygulanan insan hakları ihlalleri ve Kuzey Kore'nin durumu gibi daha kapsamlı eleştiri ve taleplerin olması dikkat çekmiştir. Bunlar, iki devletin düzeyli rekabet çizgilerini koruyacaklarına ve bu konuda Japonya'nın daha istekli olduğuna dair önemli verilerdir. Bunun sebebi ise, kuşkusuz, iki ülke siyasi sistemi ve siyasal kültüründe bulunan derin bazı farklılıklar nedeniyle karşı tarafa duyulan güvensizlikle alakalıdır. Bu bağlamda, Çin-Japonya ilişkilerinde yeni dönemde bir "bahar" havası beklenmese de, çatışma ihtimali de gerçekçi değildir. 

Kapak fotoğrafı: The Japan Times

Prof. Dr. Ozan ÖRMECİ


Dışişleri Bakanı Hakan Fidan'ın Washington Temasları: ABD'nin Bölgesel Planı Şekilleniyor


Suriye Devlet Başkanı Ahmed el-Şara'nın Washington ziyaretiyle eşzamanlı olarak Türkiye Dışişleri Bakanı Hakan Fidan'ın ABD başkentini ziyaret etmesi ve bu ülkede üst düzey temaslarda bulunması dikkat çekti. Ziyaret kapsamında mevkidaşı Marco Rubio ile bir araya gelen Fidan, aynı zamanda Washington'da Suriye Devlet Başkanı Şara ile de görüştü. Bu temaslar, Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın Eylül ayındaki başarılı geçen Beyaz Saray ziyaretinin ardından, ABD öncülüğünde Türkiye-Suriye ilişkilerinin normalleşmesi ve bölgesel iş birliği konusunda atılacak adımların ön sinyalleri olarak da değerlendirilebilir. Nitekim Fidan, bu görüşmelerin ardından Tom Barrack, J. D. Vance ve Steven Witkoff'la birlikte ayrı toplantılara da katıldı. Hatırlanacak olursa, geçtiğimiz gün ABD'nin Türkiye Büyükelçisi ve Suriye Özel Temsilcisi Tom Barrack, yeni döneme ilişkin olarak, "Türkiye ile İsrail savaşmayacak. Hazar Denizi'nden Akdeniz'e kadar bir iş birliği göreceksiniz." şeklinde oldukça ses getiren açıklamalara imza atmıştı.

Fidan ve el-Şara ekibi görüşürlerken 

İçeriğine dair fazla detaylara ulaşılamayan Fidan-Rubio görüşmesine dair ABD Dışişleri Bakanlığı Sözcüsü Tommy Pigot, şu açıklamayı yaptı: "ABD Dışişleri Sekreteri Marco Rubio, bugün Türk Dışişleri Bakanı Hakan Fidan ile bir araya gelerek Gazze'deki ateşkes ve bölgede istikrarı sağlamak için atılacak sonraki adımları görüştüler. Rubio ve Fidan, Gazze'de kalıcı barışın sağlanması için yapılan çabalara verdikleri desteği yinelediler. Rubio, ayrıca, Ukrayna'da devam eden savaşı sona erdirmek için Başkan Trump'ın tüm NATO müttefiklerine Rus enerjisi alımını durdurma çağrısını vurguladı."

Bakan Hakan Fidan ise, görüşme sonrasında Türk basın mensuplarıyla bir araya gelerek yaptığı açıklamada, ABD tarafının daveti üzerine önceden planlanan bu ziyaret kapsamında Amerikalı üst düzey yetkililerle çeşitli görüşmeler yaptığını ve ziyaretinin Suriye Devlet Başkanı Ahmed el-Şara'nın Beyaz Saray ziyaretine denk geldiğini belirterek, kendisinin de bu kapsamda bir süreliğine Şara-Trump görüşmesine dahil edildiğini açıkladı. Görüşmeler kapsamında Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan'ın Başkan Trump'a selamlarını iletmesinin yanında, Suriye'nin birliği ve kalkınması ile bölgesel güvenlik konularının değerlendirildiğini kaydeden Fidan, Gazze krizi/ateşkesi, Rusya-Ukrayna Savaşı ve İran'la ilişkiler konularının da ziyareti kapsamında Amerikalı yetkililerle müzakere edildiğini belirtti. ABD'nin Suriye konusundaki tavrı için "yapıcı" ifadesini kullanan Türk yetkili, Suriye'ye yapılacak yatırımları ve bu ülkenin yeniden kaldırılmasını engelleyen Sezar Yasası'nın (Caesar Act) tamamen kaldırılması konusunda ön çalışmalar yapıldığını belirterek, bu yönde umutlu olduklarını belirtti. Süveyda'da yaşanan sorunlar giderilmezse Suriye'nin toprak bütünlüğünün tartışmalı hale gelebileceğini söyleyerek üstü kapalı İsrail'i eleştiren Bakan Fidan, Amerikalıların bu konuda kendilerini anladıklarını söyleyerek, geleceğe dair pozitif algılanabilecek bir açıklama yaptı. Dışişleri Bakanları düzeyindeki (Marco Rubio-Esad Hasan Şeybani-Hakan Fidan) ABD-Suriye-Türkiye üçlü görüşmesinin de Antalya'daki ilk zirve sonrasında başarılı geçtiğini belirten Fidan, ABD'li diplomat Tom Barrack'ın bölgedeki çabalarına da vurgu yaparak bunları övdü. Fidan, Gazze ateşkesi konusunda ise BM Güvenlik Konseyi kararına ihtiyaç duyulduğunun altını çizerek, Gazze soykırımının durdurulması ve Gazze planının uygulamaya geçmesi konusunda kararlı olduklarını belirtti. Türk Bakan, BM Güvenlik Konseyi kararına ilişkin taslaklar hakkında eleştirilerini muhataplarına ilettiklerini de açıkladı. Hakan Fidan, bu konuda herkesi yüzde yüz memnun etmenin mümkün olmadığını, ancak diplomasi ile çözüm sağlanacağı konusunda umutlu olduklarını da belli eden açıklamalarda bulundu.

Ziyaretin genel bir değerlendirmesi yapılacak olursa; Rusya'nın Ukrayna Savaşı nedeniyle Suriye başta olmak üzere bölgedeki etkinliğinin kısmen azaldığı ve İran'ın, İsrail'in Hizbullah, Hamas ve bizzat İran'a yönelik saldırıları nedeniyle içe kapandığı bir dönemde Washington'ın Tel Aviv (Kudüs) ile birlikte harekete geçerek yeni bir bölgesel dizayn çabasına giriştiği ve bu kapsamda Ankara'nın yeniden değer kazanmaya başladığı belirtilebilir. Nitekim Başkan Trump'ın Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan'ı öven ilginç sözlerinin ardından Bakan Fidan'ın ABD ile Suriye liderlerinin toplantısına dahil edilmesi ve Gazze krizi, Ukrayna-Rusya Savaşı ve İran'la ilişkiler gibi konularda görüşlerine başvurulması, Türkiye'nin artan jeopolitik önemine dair somut verilerdir. Buna karşın, ABD'nin lider bir ülke ve bir süpergüç olarak Ankara'nın planlarına eklemlenmektense, Türkiye'yi kendi yörüngesine sokmak isteyeceği ortadadır. Bu bağlamda, ABD inisiyatifiyle Suriye'nin bölünmesinin ya da özerk bölgelere ayrılmasının önlendiği, Türkiye'nin bu ülke ekonomisine katkıları ile Suriye'nin geleceğini belirlemek konusunda güvenli bir konum elde ettiği ve Gazze'deki trajedinin durdurularak statükoya dönüldüğü ve belki de Türk askerinin Gazze'de istikrar gücü olarak görev yapmaya başlayacağı bir ortamda diplomatik bir başarı hikâyesi elde edecek olan Ankara'nın İsrail'le ilişkilerini daha da yıpratmamasının hedeflendiğini düşündüğüm yeni dönemde, Washington, Rusya ve İran'la ilişkiler gibi konularda Ankara'dan bazı beklentiler içerisinde olacaktır. Öngördüğüm kadarıyla Erdoğan-Trump görüşmesi sonrasında kısmen açıklanan planda yer alan ABD-Türkiye enerji iş birliği ile Ankara'nın Moskova'dan enerji alımlarını kademeli olarak azaltması hedeflenmektedir. Ukrayna konusunda Rusya ile gelecek aylarda bir uzlaşıya varılmaması halinde, bunun daha da derinleşmesi beklenebilir. Bu tarz konularda Washington'da genelde partiler-üstü devlet politikaları icra edildiği için, bunun Trump sonrasında da devamı beklenebilir. İran konusunda ise kuşkusuz İsrail'e kıyasla çok daha sorumlu ve yapıcı davranan Ankara, buna karşın İran'ın nükleer hedeflerinden vazgeçerek uluslararası topluma katılmasını teşvik edecektir. Amerikan yönetiminin Türkiye hükümetine verdiği destek, bence Türkiye iç siyaseti açısından da önemlidir ve muhalefetin Erdoğan'la birlikte yaşama ve çalışmaya alışması gerektiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Zira jeopolitik kriz anlarında "bayrak etrafında toplanma etkisi" nedeniyle liderler ve iktidarlar büyük güç ve önem kazanmakta ve tarihin akışına yön veren kişiler olarak toplumlarıyla özdeşleşmektedirler. 

Sonuç olarak, hayalci değil gerçekçi ve fanatik değil rasyonel güdülerle siyaset yapan Türkiye, ABD'nin ve İsrail'in bölgede artan güçleri karşısında kendi ulusal çıkarlarını korumaya ve Trump yönetimi ile uyumlu hareket etmeye çalışmaktadır. Bu, uluslararası barış ve istikrara katkı sağladığı sürece bence de doğru bir yaklaşımdır. 

Kapak fotoğrafı: K24

9 Kasım 2025 Pazar

Book Review: Immortal Atatürk

 

The founder of the Republic of Türkiye (Turkey), the great leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938), is one of the political leaders about whom the most books have been written and research conducted worldwide. Although Atatürk is not considered a democratic leader and is generally described as an “authoritarian leader”, his qualities that advanced his society have always been and continue to be praised in Türkiye and around the world. One of the most interesting works on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was written by Cypriot Turkish Professor Vamık Volkan, considered one of the founders of the science of Political Psychology, and Prof. Dr. Norman Itzkowitz. The fundamental difference between this work, originally titled Immortal Atatürk: A Psychobiography and first published in 1984 by the University of Chicago Press, and other books is that it attempts to write Atatürk's psychobiography and examines the psychological factors that shaped his political ideas and personality through the eyes of experts. The work is the result of extensive research by Volkan and Itzkowitz, which began in 1973 and lasted approximately 10 years. The book was first translated into Turkish in 1998 by Bağlam Yayıncılık under the title Ölümsüz Atatürk and has been reprinted many times since then. This work, which occupies an important place in Atatürk biographies, was also used as a primary source in journalist Can Dündar's highly acclaimed and box office record-breaking 2008 documentary "Mustafa". The book consists of an "Introduction" section, an introductory chapter titled "Atatürk's Ottoman Background in Historical Perspective", 29 different chapters, and a "Psychological Summary" section at the end. This article will summarize the important sections of this book.

Immortal Ataturk: A Psychobiography

The book's introductory chapter, "Ataturk's Ottoman Background in Historical Perspective", outlines the general characteristics of the era in which Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born and raised, and summarizes some generally accepted fundamental information about the trajectory of world politics at the time. Among the topics covered here are the Westernizing reforms implemented by the collapsing Ottoman Empire to survive and the international balance of power system it entered.

The first chapter of the book, titled "Mustafa: The Newborn Child of a Family in Grief", contains information about the parents of Mustafa Kemal, Ali Rıza Bey and Zübeyde Hanım, the future Atatürk, and reveals the conditions in Thessaloniki (Selanik) during his birth. Although no official document or record exists regarding Mustafa Kemal's birth in Thessaloniki, a major port city in Greece, it is generally accepted that he was born in 1881. His mother, Zübeyde Hanım, stated in one of the interviews conducted and recorded towards the end of her life that she gave birth to her son during the coldest period in Thessaloniki, known as the "freezing forty", suggesting that Mustafa Kemal was born in early January or February 1881. Atatürk, unable to determine his exact date of birth in later years, chose May 19, the day he landed in Samsun and launched the War of Independence (National Struggle), as his birthday. Atatürk's birthplace is also not definitively known. The three-story pink house in the Turkish neighborhood of Thessaloniki, still open to the public as a museum today under the name "Atatürk's House", is, according to his sister Makbule, not the house where he was born, but where he grew up. Mustafa Kemal was born in another house nearby, where his father's family lived. Thessaloniki was a multicultural and vibrant city at the time. At least half of the city's population of 70,000 was Jewish. Turks, with a population of around 15,000, were the second-largest group after Jews, with Greeks coming in only third. Thessaloniki, which gained a reputation as one of the most Westernized cities of the empire, nevertheless retained its Turkish-Islamic characteristics. The city, which flourished and prospered through maritime trade, boasted around 300 bathhouses. Thessaloniki Turks embraced the extended family system and maintained a spirit of solidarity. Although patriarchal traits predominated in families, women and mothers were highly respected, in keeping with the hadith, "Paradise lies at the feet of mothers." Indeed, the image of an elderly woman practicing "witchcraft" and a strong female figure are always present in Turkish folklore. While the extended family prevented individualization to some extent, the fact of being raised by multiple women also led to some differentiation among the Turkish people. Another factor was undoubtedly the peak of nationalism in the 19th century. For the Jews, who were economically better off, and the Turks, who lived under more difficult conditions than the Greeks, relations with the Jews were generally good—thanks to the Jews' utmost care—but competition with the Greeks always persisted. Atatürk's father, Ali Rıza Bey, came from an old Salonika family and was known as "Kızıl" (Red) because of the color of his beard. Ali Rıza, who was literate and returned to Salonika after his military service, always wanted to marry a blonde woman, but through his sister's intervention, he married Zübeyde, a woman from a region west of Salonika, close to Albania. Zübeyde was 14 or 15 years old when she married and about 20 years younger than her husband. This was considered normal for the time. Ali Rıza Efendi was assigned to a remote checkpoint in the forested foothills of Mount Olympus for Ottoman customs, and the couple saw little of each other. Zübeyde proved her fertility by giving birth to three children in rapid succession. Fatma died in infancy, while Ömer and Ahmed died at the age of three. Ahmed's body, which was later buried on the beach and then washed up by the waves, was torn to pieces by jackals, a devastating blow for the family and young Mustafa Kemal. The Ali Rıza-Zübeyde marriage, which had been plunged into mourning by these events, was finally restored to happiness thanks to the birth of their fourth child, a blond boy named Mustafa Kemal.

Ölümsüz Atatürk

The second chapter of the book, "From Mustafa Kemal to Mustafa Kemal", summarizes the events following Mustafa Kemal's birth. His name, "Mustafa", was whispered into baby Mustafa Kemal's ear by someone in the family after his birth, in accordance with Islamic tradition. Zübeyde, who had given birth to three of her own children at the age of 20, loved and protected her dearly. However, because Zübeyde's milk supply was insufficient, a black wet nurse was hired for Mustafa Kemal. Around this time, Ali Rıza Efendi had left his civil service and began earning more money in the lumber trade. However, emboldened by the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Greek bandits threatened him and tried to extort him. Ultimately, the bandits set fire to the forest, leaving him unemployed. Ali Rıza later ventured into the salt trade, but this too proved unsuccessful. Ali Rıza Efendi died when his son Mustafa was only 7 years old. He drank heavily and suffered greatly in the last three years of his life due to an illness rumored to be intestinal tuberculosis. Widowed at 27, Zübeyde was forced to care for Mustafa and the two daughters she bore after him. Of these two daughters, only Makbule survived, and four of the six children born to Ali Rıza and Zübeyde died. The loss of his father at the height of the Oedipal period caused Mustafa Kemal profound trauma. The loss of his father during this period, a child unwilling to share his mother with his father, would likely have instilled in him feelings of guilt. Despite this, Mustafa possessed a strong personality. He held an unwavering belief in his own ability to determine his own destiny. Zübeyde, known as "Mullah", wanted to send his son to a religious school, while Ali Rıza Bey wanted a secular school. Ultimately, a solution was found: Mustafa Kemal first enrolled in a religious neighborhood school and, a few days later, was enrolled in Şemsi Efendi School. When his father passed away shortly thereafter, Mustafa Kemal idealized the secular school his father had insisted on, and he placed great importance on it. Due to financial difficulties, the family moved to his uncle's farm, 20 miles outside of Thessaloniki. Aside from chasing crows, Mustafa Kemal was sent to a Christian church for his education during this period, but he was dissatisfied with the school. Eventually, he was sent back to Thessaloniki and enrolled in a secular secondary school. He wasn't very happy there either; his teacher, Kaymak Hafız, was apparently a sadistic man. He left school after an exaggerated beating that left him covered in blood. Even then, he was distinguished from other children by his blond hair, blue eyes, and his leadership personality. For example, he wouldn't allow him to jump over other children in games. Influenced by the uniformed appearance of Major Kadri in the neighborhood, he decided to enroll in a military school. His mother, who returned to Thessaloniki, was displeased; this meant the separation of mother and son. Furthermore, being an officer was a dangerous and difficult profession. But Mustafa Kemal chose his own destiny and entered military school. There, the teacher of his beloved math class nicknamed him "Kemal", and his name became Mustafa Kemal. While the official Turkish historical narrative attributes this to his maturity and knowledge, according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, the real reason was that there were two Mustafas in the class. To distinguish him from the other Mustafa, who later became a wealthy shipowner, the math teacher began calling Mustafa Kemal.

The third chapter of Volkan and Itzkowitz's book, "Mustafa Kemal: An Ottoman Officer", sheds light on Mustafa Kemal's days at the Military Junior High School, the Harbiye School, and the War Academy. From this period onward, the young cadets, who wore uniforms and were literate and included in the privileged class, were accustomed to living their lives within certain rules, as required by military discipline. The world they lived in was entirely male. During this period, Mustafa Kemal, who felt a coldness and resentment towards his mother, fell in love with the daughter of a high-ranking officer (Emine). Emine, who remembers Mustafa Kemal as a very meticulous child and admired him as a young girl, was not allowed to meet him. This was likely a pure and platonic love. Zübeyde, who married a young officer named Ragıp during this period, enraged Mustafa Kemal. One day, to intimidate them, Mustafa Kemal even searched for a gun. Out of anger towards his mother, he did not visit her after graduation. He passed the entrance exam and left Thessaloniki at the age of 14 to attend the Monastir Military High School. Monastir, located within the borders of present-day Macedonia, held strategic importance for the Ottoman Empire at the time. If trouble arose in Serbia or Bulgaria, the area gained military importance. Nationalist sentiments were also strong in the Balkans. His mother made considerable efforts during these years to reconcile her relationship with him and his stepfather. Because friends he had met in Thessaloniki, such as Nuri Conker and Salih Bozok, were with him in Monastir, the young Mustafa Kemal easily adapted to the environment and enjoyed happy days. According to his friends, from this time on, Mustafa Kemal considered himself above the concerns and concerns of ordinary people. Among his schoolmates in Monastir was a stimulating figure named Ömer Naci, who would later become a spokesman for the Young Turks. He would frequently read his poems to Mustafa Kemal. Mustafa Kemal began studying literature during these years, striving to become a poet and writing many poems. The poems expanded his mind, but none of them—except for a few lines where he reinterpreted Namık Kemal's poems—have survived to this day. During this period, another close friend, Ali Fethi Okyar, introduced him to ideology. Fluent in French, Ali Fethi gave Mustafa Kemal books by French thinkers and helped him develop a political awareness. During these years, Mustafa Kemal also transformed into a young and handsome man. He was a charismatic officer with a thin mustache. During these years, during his free time from military service, he frequently attended parties and drank alcohol. When the events in Crete began, mobilization was declared in Monastir. Mustafa Kemal also wanted to join a unit, but because he was a student, he was sent back. In 1899, he was sent to Istanbul to continue his education at the War College. During these years of rising political polarization and anti-sultan sentiment, although Mustafa Kemal was close to the events, a lively and sexually active man, his interest was more in the vibrant life of Istanbul than in politics. Consequently, his first year at the school was not very successful; His new friend, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, saved him. It was also during this period that he developed an intense interest in Napoleon and began to follow his example. He graduated from school at the age of 21 as a "Lieutenant-General". He was a successful student but occasionally fell into depression. He enrolled in the War Academy in Istanbul, graduating in 1905 and ranking fifth in a class of 57. At 24, he was a staff captain. With the rank of staff captain, he settled into a house in Beyazıt. He and his friends also rented a house to read banned books and engage in discussions.

The fourth chapter, "Exile", examines Mustafa Kemal's post-military period from a psychological perspective. Exiled to Damascus due to his political activities during these years, Mustafa Kemal felt devastated. He hoped to be assigned somewhere in the Balkans, and wrote as much to his mother in a letter. His only consolation was that his friend Ali Fuat was also assigned to Damascus. Before Damascus, they traveled to Beirut, famous for its nightclubs and entertainment venues, and spent a few days on vacation. The lively atmosphere he experienced in his early days in Beirut and Damascus made them forget Istanbul for a while. However, he soon realized that this was not an ideal environment for him. Having received his education in the Empire's finest schools, Mustafa Kemal realized that those there were unwilling to listen to him and learn. Abuse and corruption abounded within the Ottoman Army. Mustafa Kemal idealized his friend Müfit, who, like him, reacted to the corruption there, and spent more time with him. There, they met Mustafa Efendi, a Unionist revolutionary exiled to Damascus, and they founded a secret organization called the Fatherland and Freedom Society. Over time, Mustafa Kemal's depression deepened, and the idea of ​​escaping Damascus began to prevail. Damascus' conservative Muslim faith was leaving him feeling stifled. Therefore, he set off for Thessaloniki as a fugitive. After a long journey, he visited his mother. Later, at her insistence, he met with Şükrü Pasha, but the meeting went far from as he had hoped. He avoided the risk of arrest by obtaining a four-month sick leave from a military hospital. During this time, he attempted to organize the local branch of the Fatherland and Freedom Society. While investigations against him were ongoing, he returned to Syria. Finally, in September 1907, after three years of exile, he was appointed to a post in Thessaloniki.

Vamık Volkan

The fifth chapter of the book, titled "Young Turks", examines Mustafa Kemal's experiences upon his return to Thessaloniki and the effects of the Young Turk Revolution (Second Constitutionalism period). Upon his return to Thessaloniki, Mustafa Kemal found the atmosphere in the city dramatically changed. This was most clearly evident in the underground activities against the despotic regime of Sultan Abdulhamid II. During the years of despotism, the Young Turks, organized in Europe, were organizing the revolutionary movement in the Ottoman Empire through the secret society of Union and Progress (CUP). Mustafa Kemal's small group, however, played second fiddle to the highly organized and comprehensive revolutionary group of the Committee of Union and Progress. While this was difficult for him to accept, there was nothing else he could do. At that time, Mustafa Kemal's duty within the army was to inspect the railway line between Thessaloniki and Skopje. He also participated in secret meetings of the Unionists. The organization's primary concern was to prevent terrorist activities by minorities in Macedonia and to curb separatist movements. The 1908 Young Turk Revolution, which witnessed the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, ushered in a new era filled with optimism. The hero of this era was Enver Pasha. Enver possessed a brilliant mind and was a superb organizer. He was a skilled cavalryman and very brave. His narcissistic traits were prominent, but he was also a hard worker. His character resembled Mustafa Kemal's; he possessed a romantic personality and charisma that appealed to young women. He also did not smoke or drink alcohol, and was so devout that he would go to war with a Quran in his pocket. This distinguished him from Mustafa Kemal. Mustafa Kemal, on the other hand, viewed Enver as a good enough soldier but a mediocre reformer, believing him to be politically detrimental to the state. During these years, Mustafa Kemal was so confident and self-assured that, while drinking alcohol, he frequently discussed with his friends where he would appoint them if he became leader. Unsettled by his actions, the Unionist leaders assigned him to a distant location in Tripoli to keep him away from the organization. While his ostensible mission was to reconcile with the Arabs, led by the Sunni family, and to ensure Ottoman dominance, he knew he had actually been sent there to be dispensed with and by Enver himself. He set out in civilian clothes and arrived in Tripoli. Here, his leadership was tested and proved successful. He first dominated the Turks, then the Arabs, and forced the opposition into submission. However, his success did not win him friends in Thessaloniki; on the contrary, it only increased his enemies. Upon his return to Thessaloniki, he joined the Action Army during the suppression of the March 31st Incident and became Mahmut Şevket Pasha's most trusted figure. With his star rising, Mustafa Kemal delivered a speech at the second annual congress of the Union and Progress in Thessaloniki in 1909, criticizing the Unionist methods. From this date on, Mustafa Kemal, fully devoted to his military career, earned a reputation as a skilled military tactician. He attracted even more attention when he translated two important books on military matters from German into Turkish. Despite his success, the delay in his promotion further depressed him. When the Tripolitan War began in 1911, he traveled there with Enver. To reach his comrades at the front, he needed to pass through Egypt, which was under British control. However, he contracted malaria in Alexandria and had to temporarily interrupt his journey. Later, dressed in Arab garb, he reached the front near Derna. He exploited Islamic sentiment against the Egyptian officers who tried to arrest him; for him, the national cause was even more important than not exploiting religious sentiment. By the time Mustafa Kemal arrived in Derna, the battle was already lost. There was nothing he could do; he fell ill and was confined to his bed. In addition to malaria, he had also developed vision problems. He would have to go to Vienna for treatment. While the Italians annexed Tripoli and Benghazi, the Balkan War was looming. The Balkan War quickly erupted, and the Greeks captured Mustafa Kemal's city, Thessaloniki, on November 8th. By the time Mustafa Kemal returned to Istanbul, the Balkan War was nearing its end. The loss of Thessaloniki and Monastir must have shaken him deeply. Istanbul was overflowing with refugees, and his mother, sister, and husband were among them. He found them and settled them in a house he rented. While Enver had completely seized control of the Ottoman Empire with the Raid on the Sublime Porte, Mustafa Kemal remained deeply pessimistic about the situation. He remained one of the few who spoke out against Enver. With the Balkan Wars finally over, Mustafa Kemal was offered the post of Balkan attaché in Sofia. He accepted this position, which practically meant exile, and went to Sofia.

Norman Itzkowitz

The sixth chapter of the book, titled "Women and Mustafa Kemal: A Fun-loving Officer in Istanbul and Sofia", examines Mustafa Kemal's time in Istanbul and Sofia and attempts to extract psychological insights from it. His transfer to Sofia meant the severing of Mustafa Kemal's relationship with Madame Corinne. Born in Genoa, Corinne was a European woman living in Pera who left a deep mark on Mustafa Kemal's life. The widow of Captain Ömer Lütfi, Corinne spoke Italian, French, and Turkish and maintained a relationship with Mustafa Kemal through letters after their separation. In Sofia, Mustafa Kemal both underwent treatment and lived a vibrant life, far removed from state affairs. He also saw Carmen at the opera house and attended a masked ball at the invitation of Sultan Rasha Petrov. He attended the event wearing a Janissary uniform, attracting considerable attention. During his time in Sofia, he became involved in an affair with the youngest daughter of the Bulgarian Minister of War. He spent time with Miti (Dimitriana) and even wanted to marry her, but the girl's family refused. Her conversion to Islam was a strong enough obstacle to this relationship. He did not see the Empire's future as positive at this time. He predicted that Enver would enter the war on the German side. In this case, if the war was won, the Ottoman Empire would fall under German rule; if the war was lost, it would be dismembered. He believed the war would be lost and the Germans defeated. When World War I broke out, he returned to Istanbul.

Chapter seven, "The Crystallization of Immortality", examines Mustafa Kemal's experiences at the beginning of World War I. During this period, Mustafa Kemal harbored a deep jealousy toward Enver Pasha; nevertheless, he wrote him a letter congratulating him on his appointment as Minister of War and his reforms of the army. Although they were the same age, Enver was far ahead of him; Enver was both a Pasha and a son-in-law of the Palace, while Mustafa Kemal was merely a "Lieutenant-Colonel". During these years, Mustafa Kemal even considered leaving the army to become a teacher or enter business. However, Enver's position as Minister of War was not enviable; the Ottoman Army was being defeated in battles and the Empire was collapsing. When World War I began, the Ottoman Empire was also forced into the war by the German alliance. The course of events confirmed Mustafa Kemal's views on Enver Pasha; moreover, Enver, seeing him as a rival, refused to assign him commanding positions, leaving the army weakened. Enver, like Mustafa Kemal, was an incurable narcissist, but he was far more unrestrained and delusional. Ultimately, Mustafa Kemal was proven right; as Süleyman Nazif famously said, "Enver Pasha killed Enver Pasha", and his image as a great hero was shattered by a series of military defeats. During this period, the two rivals met at one point in Istanbul. Seeing his opponent helpless, Mustafa Kemal nevertheless refused to corner or defeat him. Assigned to a unit of the 19th Division in the Tekirdağ region, Mustafa Kemal later joined the defense of Çanakkale. Under Liman von Sanders' command, he achieved great success on the Gallipoli front, cementing his leadership. He fought fiercely and seemed to revel in the fighting. While his sophistication irritated Liman von Sanders, he impressed him with his military prowess. A crucial event occurred during this period, one that solidified Mustafa Kemal's sense of immortality. Thanks to his pocket watch, a piece of shrapnel ricocheted off his heart and he narrowly escaped death. He presented this watch to German General Sanders and continued fighting without interruption. He also corresponded with Corinne and read world classics while on the front lines. The Gallipoli Campaign had made Mustafa Kemal a great hero, and his name began to appear in newspapers for the first time. More importantly, he now possessed an unwavering self-confidence.

Chapter eight, "Journeys of a Disappointed Hero", recounts Mustafa Kemal's return to Istanbul, having become a great hero at Gallipoli. Mustafa Kemal received no hero's welcome in Istanbul. Although Corinne, his mother, sister, and Fikriye congratulated him on his achievements, he felt deeply bitter about the lack of attention. For someone like Mustafa Kemal, who longed for the admiration of others, this attention was insufficient. When he was appointed commander of the Sixteenth Corps, which had been transferred to Edirne, he was cheered by a hero's welcome. On April 1, 1916, he received the news of his promotion to general. At the age of 35, despite the obstacles of Enver and his comrades, he became a general. But things were not going well for the state; war, civil unrest, famine, and economic collapse had driven the population to the brink of rebellion and exhaustion. At that time, İsmet (İnönü) was Mustafa Kemal's staff officer, a colonel. Despite Mustafa Kemal's overly enterprising nature, he was a composed and composed man. Together, they formed a formidable duo, balancing each other out. With Russia's withdrawal from the war and the collapse of Russia following the Bolshevik Revolution, the opportunity arose for Mustafa Kemal and İsmet Pasha to serve in Mesopotamia. Mustafa Kemal, finding Enver's plans flawed, immediately began working upon reaching Aleppo. After what he witnessed there, he wrote letters to Talat Pasha, slamming the government and signaling its collapse. Only someone with Mustafa Kemal's ambition and self-confidence could have written such a letter. He resigned from his command and returned to Istanbul. To avoid being labeled a "rebellious commander", the government gave him a three-month sick leave. He rented a room at the Pera Palas Hotel and met with Enver Pasha for lunch. Hoping to change Enver's views on Germany, Enver assigned Mustafa Kemal the task of accompanying Vahdettin on his trip to Germany. Although he initially disliked him, upon hearing many compliments from him, he began searching for reasons to love and idealize him. Upon his return, he asked him to appoint him to command the Fifth Army and take him with him as commander-in-chief. Upon his return to Istanbul, he focused on his kidney ailment. He was sent to Carlsbad for treatment for about a month. While there, he wrote regularly and kept notes. Upon his return to Istanbul, he met with the Sultan and shared his ideas. However, he was disappointed when he was assigned to Syria thanks to Enver's efforts. Greeting Enver, whom he met during those days, Mustafa Kemal said: "Bravo, congratulations. You have succeeded."

The book's ninth chapter, "The Defeat of the Ottoman Empire", recounts the difficult days when the Ottoman Empire surrendered in World War I and Mustafa Kemal's experiences during this period, attempting to identify the impact of these events on Atatürk's psychology. Mustafa Kemal, encountering dire circumstances on his way to Syria, realized that it was more logical to rescue as many soldiers as possible before the battle, which he had already lost. Returning from this front without a single defeat, Mustafa Kemal hoped to secure a high-ranking position in the new government. He desired the Ministry of War. He believed he was qualified for this position and wanted to succeed his rival, Enver Pasha. However, İzzet Pasha excluded Mustafa Kemal from the cabinet and appointed him commander of the southern troops. Although World War I was ending, the Turkish war of independence was just beginning, and Mustafa Kemal was the one who best understood this. He intensified his efforts after the Armistice of Mudros. When the Lightning Army and Seventh Army Command were dissolved on November 7th, Mustafa Kemal was reduced to a soldier without an army. He objected to İzzet Pasha's orders and uttered his famous words, "As they came, so they go", upon seeing the British and other allied navies advancing from the Dardanelles towards the Bosphorus. What he witnessed in occupied Istanbul deeply shook him. With İzzet Pasha's resignation and the dissolution of Parliament, things became even more chaotic. Foreign soldiers were acting uncontrollably and torturing the people. Furthermore, some Turks, eager to preserve their way of life, began to adopt a positive attitude towards the occupying forces. Yakup Kadri wrote his famous novel Sodom and Gomorrah under the influence of this environment. The soldiers were in a miserable state, and hunger was widespread. Mustafa Kemal resumed seeing Corinne during this period, but one day, he was outraged when Italian soldiers broke into his mother's house to conduct a search. Around that time, there was even talk of a son-in-law coming to the palace. Although his mother was very keen on the idea, he was not keen. He moved into a house in Şişli and began meeting with friends to discuss how to launch a struggle in Anatolia. He would find the opportunity he was looking for on May 19, 1919.

The book's tenth chapter, "The Landing in Samsun", discusses Mustafa Kemal's landing in Samsun on May 19, 1919, and the initiation of the National Struggle and the War of Independence. Following the Greek occupation of Izmir, Mustafa Kemal was dispatched to Samsun aboard the Bandırma steamer by Damat Ferit Pasha to quell the unrest between Christian and Muslim populations and keep them away from Istanbul. He quickly embarked on his self-appointed mission of initiating and organizing the National Struggle. This represented a virtual rebirth for Mustafa Kemal. This is why he chose May 19 as his birth date, a date he was unaware of. He arrived in Samsun as a savior and reinforced his narcissistic tendencies through this role.

The eleventh chapter of the book, titled "Dağ Başını Duman Almış" (The Mountain Head Has Smoked), recounts Mustafa Kemal's actions in the early days of the War of Independence. Upon reaching Samsun, Mustafa Kemal, finding little support for the War of Independence from his entourage, sent a telegram to his friends Ali Fuat Pasha and Kazım Karabekir Pasha, requesting their support. The march "Dağ Başını Duman Almış" (The Mountain Head Has Smoked), sung as he crossed into Havza, demonstrates his enthusiasm for the great adventure he was about to embark on. Originally a Swedish anthem, it evoked in Atatürk the feeling of a rebirth over Anatolia as the sun. Interacting with the people in Havza, Mustafa Kemal observed that they were preoccupied with their own livelihoods, which led to his resentment. Around this time, a Russian Bolshevik delegation visited him. He ignored their propaganda and moved on to Amasya. The Istanbul government, disturbed by his actions, began a barrage of telegrams, and he was soon dismissed from his post. He was now reduced to the status of a rebellious veteran. They moved first to Tokat, then to Sivas. As he entered Sivas, his mind was racing; would the public greet him enthusiastically, or had a plot been set up for his arrest? However, the crowd's cries of "Long live Mustafa Kemal Pasha" as he entered Sivas lifted his spirits. As previously discussed, he set out for Erzurum the next day to meet with Karabekir Pasha. There, he sent his resignation telegram to Istanbul. Following his resignation, his staff officer informed him that he would cease serving. This affected him deeply and plunged him into a deeply pessimistic state. All his hopes now rested on Kazım Karabekir's reaction; he could have arrested Mustafa Kemal or supported the War of Independence if he so desired. However, the words "I am at your service, Pasha" uttered by Kazım Karabekir when they met gave him a sigh of relief. So he embraced Karabekir and kissed him on both cheeks. He was now a civilian and wearing civilian clothes. These days, he began wearing a kalpak instead of his military uniform and fez.

The twelfth chapter of the book, titled "Political Resistance", covers the National Struggle that Mustafa Kemal initiated in Erzurum. The Erzurum Congress was a crucial political milestone and led to the establishment of Defense of Rights societies in various parts of Anatolia. Karabekir Pasha, a noble and accommodating Ottoman officer, became Mustafa Kemal's lifeline and, far from arresting him, placed his army under his command. Elected Chairman of the Erzurum Branch of the Defense of Rights Societies, Mustafa Kemal consistently avoided the appearance of open rebellion against the Sultan; instead, he presented himself as someone fighting against the occupying foreign powers and quickly gained their support. During this period, he also engaged in various displays of piety to gain popular support. Damat Ferit Pasha's lackluster image at the Paris Conference bolstered Mustafa Kemal's support nationwide. However, he failed to secure the full support he desired at the Sivas Congress. Only 39 of the 200 invited delegates attended the Congress. During this period, Rauf Orbay was Mustafa Kemal's closest and most trusted figure. Another close relative was Arif, with whom he boarded the Bandırma steamer. He regarded him as a brother, and they even kept watch over each other while he slept. He was also the most important person to whom he could converse and express his feelings, expressing his concern. The final important figure was Refet Bele. She was an extremely well-mannered and polite person, and an exceptionally shrewd person. She was also deeply devoted to Mustafa Kemal. Halide Edip Adıvar, who was preaching to the public in Istanbul during this period, also began to shine as a prominent patriotic figure. Thanks to Adıvar, Louis E. Browne of the Chicago Daily News attended the Sivas Congress. Around this time, Ali Galip and British Major E.W.C. Noel were tasked with arresting Mustafa Kemal. However, Mustafa Kemal's soldiers forced him to flee. As Damat Ferit Pasha's government collapsed, Mustafa Kemal's chances were improving. His current goal was to convene a new parliament in Ankara and remove the Istanbul government.

The thirteenth chapter, "The Sun Shining Over Anatolia", deals with Mustafa Kemal's experiences during the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara on April 23, 1920. Ankara was a small and neglected Anatolian city at the time. On the streets of Ankara, people would embrace him and support him whenever they saw him. For this reason, he deeply loved Ankara and chose it as the capital in later years. His characteristic, what psychoanalysts call a "transference figure", was discovered by the people of Ankara during these years. This reinforced his self-perception as a savior. As the Chamber of Deputies in Istanbul was closing, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) was being established in Ankara. Opened with prayers, the TBMM became the center of Anatolian resistance against the occupation and gained popular support.

Chapter fourteen, titled "Ankara During the Civil War", sheds light on Mustafa Kemal's life in Ankara during the Turkish War of Independence. Working in a modest room, Mustafa Kemal continued his work by gas lamp or moonlight, as there was no electricity after sunset. He had a personal doctor who was always with him. Material deprivation was severe; a table d'hôte meal was provided for everyone. Mustafa Kemal frequently smoked cigarettes and drank Turkish coffee. He also began to abstain from alcoholic beverages. Around this time, he received bad news: a military court had sentenced him and his friends to death. This decision was supported by a fatwa from the Sheikh al-Islam. Among these five were Halide Edip Adıvar and her husband Adnan Adıvar, who had fled to Ankara. Among his many friends, Mustafa Kemal chose İsmet İnönü as his chief of staff. He got along well with him; İsmet, with his calm and gentle disposition, served as a perfect bridge between him and the others. With the addition of Fevzi Pasha, the Turkish War of Independence gained even greater strength. Mustafa Kemal's confidence grew even more. He was confident they would defeat the Greek occupation. At the initiative of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, the Ankara government also established the Independence Tribunals during this period as a precaution against internal rebellions and desertions. The first parliament was quite heterogeneous, encompassing many members with diverse views.

The fifteenth chapter of the book is titled "From Mustafa Kemal to Gazi M. Kemal" by the authors. As the Greek occupation progressed in Anatolia, things were not going well for Mustafa Kemal and the Ankara government. Political differences began to surface in the first parliament, and economic problems were also deepening. Meanwhile, serious difficulties arose regarding arms procurement. To resolve this issue, Mustafa Kemal sent a delegation led by Bekir Sami to Moscow to meet with the Bolsheviks. The delegation, accepted by Chicherin, returned successfully from Moscow, and Ankara received arms support from the Soviets. Moscow knew that Mustafa Kemal was not a communist, but his opposition to Western imperialism was reason enough to support him. Furthermore, the Treaty of Gyumri with the Armenians and the Treaty of Moscow with the Russians secured their eastern borders. The time had come to resolve the Greek occupation of the west. However, the Circassian Ethem Rebellion forced Mustafa Kemal to refocus his attention on other matters during this period. After resolving this issue, the Ankara government refocused on the Greek occupation, boosting morale with the Battle of Sakarya and halting the Greek advance. The day of independence was now approaching.

The sixteenth chapter of the book is titled "Armies, Your First Target is the Mediterranean. Forward!". In this chapter, Vamık Volkan and Norman Itzkowitz summarize the Great Offensive and Mustafa Kemal's experiences during this period. During this period, Mustafa Kemal's extraordinary powers as commander-in-chief were extended twice for three-month periods. He now behaved more freely as a revolutionary leader, attending social gatherings and drinking alcohol every night. Hard work was emphasized during the day, while entertainment and conversation were emphasized in the evenings. These tendencies of Mustafa Kemal Pasha led to criticism from the conservative elite from that time on. French journalist Madame Berthe Georges-Gaulis wrote three books about her visits to Ankara during these years. This journalist reminded Mustafa Kemal of Madame Corinne. Another person who visited Mustafa Kemal was an Englishwoman named Grace Mary Ellison, who would later write a book about this period. It is also noteworthy that during this period, Mustafa Kemal established very close relations with Soviet Ambassador Aralov. Aralov was a key figure in the continued support of the Soviets for the War of Independence. The contacts of the Ukrainian delegation led by General Frunze in Ankara were also a significant diplomatic initiative for this period. The Ankara government had established itself as the legitimate Turkish government and was preparing to herald its impending victory to the world. Even then, the Turkish national struggle and resistance were being held up as a model for "oppressed nations" around the world and were receiving support from countries such as Afghanistan and India. So much so that Afghanistan appointed an ambassador to Ankara, and India opened a representative office. Furthermore, throughout the Muslim world, Mustafa Kemal's resistance became a heroic legend, and many newborn babies were given this name. The final phase of the War of Independence, crystallized by Mustafa Kemal's words, "Armies, your first objective is the Mediterranean. Forward!", would culminate with the Greeks' landing in Izmir.

The seventeenth chapter of the book is titled "The Flame of Love Rising from Izmir in Flames". This chapter examines Mustafa Kemal's arrival in Izmir and the romance he began with Latife Hanım. In Istanbul, ablaze with flames, another fire was brewing in Mustafa Kemal's heart. Latife Uşaklıgil, the daughter of Uşakizade Muammer Bey, a prominent Izmir businessman, caught Kemal Pasha's attention with her bold demeanor and knowledge, and he began a love affair with her. Latife also assisted Kemal Pasha with her advanced French. Settling into his home in Karşıyaka, Mustafa Kemal became the hero and savior he had dreamed of throughout his life. Like Western women, he began frequent meetings with Latife, whose actions and culture captivated him. In Ankara, he also met Fikriye, who loved him but had contracted tuberculosis, as a lover. This situation left him with a dilemma in these happiest and most self-confident days of his life.

The eighteenth chapter of the book is titled "Sultan, Mother, Oedipal Son". Mustafa Kemal, struggling to choose between Latife and Fikriye, also tended to state affairs. Military victories brought Mustafa Kemal not the opportunity for rest he had anticipated, but new political and diplomatic responsibilities. He forcibly sent Fikriye, a tuberculosis patient who insisted on staying with him, to Switzerland for treatment. In fact, for a man with a heroic mentality, leaving Fikriye in that difficult situation would have been impossible. However, now, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was trying to be a hero for a more important person: the Turkish nation, and in this way, he succeeded in emotionally detaching himself from Fikriye. Following this, he began making plans to marry Latife, with whom he had a new love. Empowered by his heroic status, he also embarked on political reforms. However, the death of his mother left him shaken for a while. He did not go to Izmir for the funeral and continued to hold meetings in Izmit. He visited his mother's grave only a few weeks later, a belated visit. Although the loss of his mother plunged him into deep sorrow, he managed to maintain his self-confidence and joy of life thanks to his vision of being the nation's savior.

The nineteenth chapter of the book Immortal Atatürk, written by Prof. Dr. Vamık Volkan and Norman Itzkowitz, is titled "Towards the Republic of Turkey". This chapter examines Mustafa Kemal's life before the declaration of the Republic of Türkiye (Turkey). Mustafa Kemal, possessing a remarkable ability to cope with severe emotional turmoil, also met with Latife's family in Izmir. The void left by the loss of his mother was filled by Latife's presence and her status as a hero of the Turkish nation. Marriage preparations began quickly. Only a few friends and relatives were able to attend the ceremony. The ceremony itself symbolized a break from Turkish-Islamic traditions. A Western-style wedding ceremony was held. The marriage began very well, but it soon became clear that it would create difficulties for Mustafa Kemal's daily life. Accustomed to living as he pleased as a commander among men, Mustafa Kemal was disturbed by Latife's authoritarianism within the home and in his life. Mustafa Kemal, who sent his most trusted man, İsmet Pasha, to the Lausanne Conference, would successfully navigate this challenging period. Despite his modesty, İsmet Pasha proved to be a very hard-working, tenacious, and talented diplomat! Citing his hearing impairment, he would ask other diplomats and representatives to repeat themselves, allowing him to better assess their responses. Despite Lord Curzon's best efforts, Türkiye would ultimately achieve a large portion of its desired objectives. After a honeymoon with Latife, they proceeded to Çankaya. Fikriye's return caused a major crisis. Humiliated, Fikriye remained there for three more days. A few days later, when Fikriye returned to see the Pasha again, she was rejected and committed suicide with a gun in the back of a carriage, dying shortly thereafter in the hospital. Fikriye's death saddened Mustafa Kemal, but it did not break his heart. But now Fikriye had really become a problem between him and Latife… After all, this suicide would perhaps be the main factor that destroyed his relationship with Latife.

The title of the book's twentieth chapter is "The Personality Split Parallel to the Real World". By the fall of 1924, according to authors Volkan and Itzkowitz, the division within Mustafa Kemal's inner world had become intertwined with the division emerging in the political arena. The political struggle between his supporters and opponents was intensifying. There were also reactions to some of the reforms (the abolition of the Sultanate and Caliphate, the proclamation of the Republic, etc.). According to the authors, a person with a grandiose self often finds someone they can see as their de facto twin, someone over whom they can exert influence or control, supporting the illusion of omnipotence. In reality, they use this "twin" as an extension of their own self. Arif had played such a role for Mustafa Kemal during the War of Independence. His aide-de-camp Salih Bozok, his bodyguard Kılıç Ali, and his childhood friend Nuri Conker became the people he used in this role during this new era. In this way, he saw himself as the head of the family and, by leading them, played the role of "father". Because at the time, his relationship with Latife had also been strained by Fikriye's suicide. As Latife tried to change Mustafa Kemal, their relationship deteriorated and became strained. The conflict even led to Mustafa Kemal suffering a heart attack. The Sheikh Said Rebellion also put him in a difficult political situation, and the new state had lost control of many southeastern provinces to the Kurds. To escape the unhappiness at home, he began frequently playing poker and spending time with friends outside. One night, when Latife yelled at him as he was returning home, he decided to end his marriage. Because the Civil Code would later be adopted, he had the right to unilaterally dissolve the marriage. They divorced on August 5, 1925; the marriage had lasted two years, six months, and four days.

The twenty-first chapter of the book is titled "The Man in the Panama Hat Adopts Daughters". This chapter explores the "hat revolution" and Mustafa Kemal's adoption of daughters. Believing the fez to be a significant symbol of the old regime, Mustafa Kemal instead promoted the Panama hat, which he first introduced to the public in Kastamonu. Acting like an authoritarian father, Mustafa Kemal sought to modernize the people in every way in the new state he established as President. If the reforms he introduced in a mild manner backfired, he would often try again with authoritarian methods. For example, he was very insistent on preventing the oppression of women in Turkish society and ensuring gender equality. After his divorce from Latife, he adopted two daughters, Afife and Sabiha, in addition to Abdürrahim, whom he had previously adopted. These reforms were aimed at changing national consciousness, social solidarity, and the perspective on women. However, his adoption of daughters also formed the basis for some scathing accusations against Mustafa Kemal among radical Islamists.

The twenty-second chapter of Immortal Atatürk is "The Assassination Plot in Izmir: Immortality Under Threat". As its title suggests, this chapter deals with Mustafa Kemal's experiences during the Izmir Assassination and his sense of immortality, which was shaken but later re-enforced by the assassination. The Izmir Assassination, which came to light with the arrest of a young, bold, and handsome naval officer named Ziya Hurşit and was used as leverage by the new regime in the purge of the Unionists, shook Mustafa Kemal's sense of immortality and instilled in him a fear. The hero, who had achieved great things, was now confronted with the idea of ​​death and was shocked. He became skeptical and psychologically damaged. He knew he had to do something shocking to escape this situation. Meeting Ziya Hurşit face to face, Mustafa Kemal offered him his own pistol and said, "Come on, take the pistol now and shoot me." The shock on the assassin's face and his inability to do anything re-enforced his idea of ​​immortality and erased his skepticism.

The twenty-third chapter of the book is titled "Not Byzantium, but Istanbul". Mustafa Kemal, who had never visited Istanbul since his arrival in Samsun, was actually resentful of this beloved city. For him, Istanbul symbolized occupation and servitude to foreigners—a form of treason. However, he also admired the city depicted in Tevfik Fikret's poem "Fog". Returning to Istanbul after so many years as a national hero and being welcomed by his sister Makbule was a great relief for Mustafa Kemal. This warm welcome brought him renewed affection for the city.

The twenty-fourth chapter of the book is titled "No Time for Relaxation!". Having settled into Dolmabahçe Palace, Mustafa Kemal began taking long yacht tours along the Bosphorus and the Marmara Sea, popping up in various patisseries and coffeehouses along the way. The idolization Istanbul women had once held for Enver Pasha was now being held for him. Moreover, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was single! During this period, Mustafa Kemal devoted himself entirely to his grand autobiographical work, which he would later call "The Speech" (Nutuk). This would become the official history of the War of Independence and the most important book of Turkish political life. He wrote The Speech in three months and took six days to read. He and Sabiha Gökçen achieved this by drinking coffee, smoking cigarettes, and working diligently. The section of the book known as "O Turkish Youth", in particular, is an extremely important political manifesto and is one of the most influential political passages in human history. From this date on, he began working intensively on his theses and reforms of language and history. His mind was restless; he constantly yearned to write and produce. The Latin alphabet reform, in particular, was a significant turning point in Turkish history and a successful modernization initiative. Although ties to the past were severed, literacy rates quickly increased dramatically, and a new civilization was established.

The twenty-fifth chapter of the book is titled "From Gazi Mustafa Kemal to Kemal Atatürk". This chapter analyzes the process of Gazi Mustafa Kemal's transformation into Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. With Westernizing reforms rapidly underway, the young Republic of Türkiye had become a country respected and followed with interest worldwide. The new state embraced a Turkish identity, but favored the philosophy of "Peace at home, peace in the world" (Yurtta sulh, cihanda sulh) rather than Pan-Turkism. In this context, the newly established state needed a father figure. With the newly enacted Surname Law, Mustafa Kemal found a suitable environment for himself and chose Atatürk as his surname. His sister Makbule was also given the surname Atadan. İsmet Pasha was given the surname İnönü for his success in the İnönü Battles. The Turkish people addressed Mustafa Kemal as "Ata" or "Atam" and rarely used Atatürk. Mustafa Kemal also considered changing his middle name from "Kemal" to "Kamal" to conform with the pure Turkish and the vowel harmony.

The twenty-sixth chapter of the book, titled "Oral Exams", deals with Atatürk's relationships with women. It is known that Mustafa Kemal was fond of beautiful and modern women. This should not be perceived negatively. Atatürk appreciated women who dressed and behaved modernly, considering themselves equal to men, rather than those who were seductive with their makeup and attire. He even acted as a matchmaker to find suitable husbands for his adopted children and young Turkish girls whose manners and beauty impressed him. For example, his efforts to ensure that Lütfiye, whom he met and admired on a school trip, married Vasıf are a prime example. He also continued to have relationships with beautiful women. However, Çankaya dinners never had the quality some negative propaganda portrayed them as.

The twenty-seventh chapter of the book, titled "Internal Processes and Real-World Preoccupations", covers the Six Arrows theorized by Atatürk and his followers, and Atatürk's experiences during this period. Volkan and Itzkowitz also share some of the important diplomatic encounters and memoirs that took place during this period.

Chapter twenty-eight, "The Last Battle", is a moving chapter that recounts the period when Atatürk's health problems arose and his struggle against death—a struggle he, like all mortals, would ultimately lose. Great leaders with narcissistic personalities can become completely absorbed in their work without being aware of their health problems. In fact, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had numerous health problems since his arrival in Samsun. These problems worsened in his old age due to his alcoholism. He began experiencing kidney problems and, as is well known, died of cirrhosis on November 10, 1938. The death of his friend Nuri Conker in 1937, close to his death, deeply affected Atatürk. From that moment on, he rapidly fell into a depressive state. In addition to his weight gain and loss of physical attractiveness, his diminished sexual potency also began to make him deeply unhappy. Prof. Dr. Vamık Volkan even explains Atatürk's excessive alcohol dependence as a consequence of his desire to commit suicide, which, in a sense, arose after his health deteriorated. After all, it is highly probable that a victorious leader whose life was full of victories and revolutions was driven to such a state of mind due to the serious health problems he experienced in his final months.

Chapter twenty-nine, "Transformation into the Immortal Atatürk", examines Atatürk's transformation into an immortal leader. According to the authors, after the devastating loss of a deeply respected person, a person goes through a series of successive stages of mourning; this mourning process continues until the person close to the deceased's investment in the deceased diminishes and they are able to direct their attention—and perhaps later, their love—to another object. Initially, the loss of a loved and respected person creates shock and pain. The unexpectedness of the death can exacerbate the trauma. If the ability to grieve is pathologically impaired, certain symptoms may be observed. For example, the importance placed on "linking objects" is quite common. For example, the son's adoption of the deceased father's wristwatch is a fitting example. Therefore, the wristwatch is carefully preserved by the son and not used like an ordinary watch. The loss of the Atatürk and Literary Leader of Turkish society caused great sorrow and shock to the people. The intense interest in Anıtkabir, Atatürk's mausoleum, is logically grounded in its object of connection. The Republic of Türkiye has continued to exist after Atatürk, and will continue to do so. The fact that he is still remembered with such respect by society is a striking fact and a prime example of the restorative leadership model, demonstrating the lasting impact of his revolutions.

The final section of the book is titled "Psychological Summary". This section summarizes some of the psychological aspects explored in the book. The most significant of these include: Mustafa Kemal's birth in a house of the dead, perceived as a hope by a grieving mother; Mustafa Kemal's unique and leadership-oriented nature, marked by grandiose ego and narcissistic personality traits; the sense of immortality he first experienced when a piece of shrapnel hit a clock above his heart (and later, the intriguing experiment he conducted on Ziya Hurşit to maintain this after the Izmir Assassination); the extreme care he developed regarding his self-esteem and image as an intelligent and handsome man; his profound love for the Turkish nation and his vision of himself as its savior; his characteristics consistent with the restorative leadership model; and the phenomenon of "self-sacrificing suicide" observed as a result of his alcohol addiction and similar symptoms after completing his mission and weakening.

Immortal Atatürk, by Vamık Volkan and Norman Itzkowitz, deserves much more detailed reading and analysis as one of the most original biographies of Atatürk ever written. The book is a must-have for every Turkish citizen's library. A significant shortcoming in the book is the connection between Atatürk's desire to establish a homeland, which he developed after being forced to leave his hometown of Thessaloniki, and the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye. Furthermore, in some cases, sufficient concrete evidence is not provided for the psychological analyses conducted. However, the authors do not claim that every statement in the book is true. In this sense, the book is the result of very original and successful research and deserves every commendation.

Prof. Dr. Ozan ÖRMECİ

6 Kasım 2025 Perşembe

Prof. Dr. Ozan Örmeci'den Yeni Makale: "Evaluating Elections Results in Türkiye after September 12 based on Macroeconomic Data"

 

Üsküdar Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi ve Uluslararası Politika Akademisi (UPA) Kurucu Genel Koordinatörü Prof. Dr. Ozan Örmeci’nin "Evaluating Elections Results in Türkiye after September 12 based on Macroeconomic Data" adlı makalesi Scopus endeksli Gongcheng Kexue Xuebao dergisinde yayımlandı. Aşağıdaki linkten makaleye erişebilirsiniz. 

5 Kasım 2025 Çarşamba

Prof. Dr. Ozan Örmeci Phoenix Tv'ye Konuştu: Türkiye'nin Gazze Uluslararası İstikrar Gücü'ne Olası Katılımı

 

Üsküdar Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi ve Uluslararası Politika Akademisi (UPA) Kurucu Genel Koordinatörü Prof. Dr. Ozan Örmeci, 4 Kasım 2025 tarihinde Hong Kong merkezli Phoenix Tv kanalına verdiği röportajda, Türkiye'nin ABD öncülüğünde Gazze'de kurulması kararlaştırılan Uluslararası İstikrar Gücü'ne (ISF) olası katılımı ve İsrail-Filistin Sorunu'nun geleceğini değerlendirdi. Aşağıdaki linklerden bu röportajı, fotoğrafları ve röportajla ilgili yapılan haberi bulabilirsiniz.